PDF Cameron Delusion Download
- Author: Peter Hitchens
- Publisher: A&C Black
- ISBN: 1441135057
- Category : Political Science
- Languages : en
- Pages : 274
The main enemy of conservatism in Britain is the Conservative Party.
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The struggle between the main political parties has been reduced to an unpopularity contest, in which voters hold their noses and sigh as they trudge to the polls. Peter Hitchens explains how and why British politics has sunk to this dreary level - the takeover of the parties and the media by conventional left-wing dogmas which then call themselves 'the centre ground'. The Tory party under David Cameron has become a pale-blue twin of New Labour, offering change without alteration. Hitchens, a former Lobby reporter, examines and mocks the flock mentality of most Westminster journalists, explains how unattributable lunches guide coverage and why so many reporters - once slavish admirers of Labour - now follow the Tory line. This updated edition of Hitchens's The Broken Compass (2009) features a brand new introduction. In an excoriating analysis, Hitchens examines the Tory Party's record in government and opposition, dismissing it as a failure on all fronts but one - the ability to win office without principle. The one thing it certainly isn't is conservative.
David Cameron was leader of the Conservative Party (2005-16) and Prime Minister of the United Kingdom (2010-16). His legacy may be one of the most significant of any post-war British prime minister. But did he have a distinctive political strategy, and if so how should we characterise it? This book provides a new and distinctive interpretation of ‘Cameronism’, focusing on the twin themes of modernisation and manipulation. Heppell identifies three core aspects of Cameron’s modernisation strategy: his attempts to detoxify the image of the Conservative Party; his efforts to delegitimise the Labour Party by blaming it for the financial crisis and austerity; and Cameron’s use of the ‘Big Society’ narrative as a means of reducing the perceived responsibilities of the state. Manipulation is explored in relation to the Coalition Government and the exploitation of the Liberal Democrats, on policies such as austerity, tuition fees and electoral reform. Finally, the book examines Cameronism in relation to current challenges to the existing political order: Brexit, Scottish independence, and the rise of populism. This timely book is essential reading to those interested in British party politics and Prime Ministerial leadership.
The human rights of men and boys in the United Kingdom have been increasingly assaulted by the state's actions and inactions for over 30 years, as they have across much of the developed world. Justice for men & boys (and the women who love them) is the only political party in the English-speaking world campaigning for the human rights of men and boys, including the right of all children to enjoy good access to both parents following family breakdowns, and the restoration of fatherhood and strong families. The British state has become ever more hostile towards men and boys, although the state is largely funded by men, through income tax receipts. Men collectively pay 72%, and women 28%, of the income taxes collected by the state. In 2011/12 British men paid £68 billion - £68,000,000,000 - more income tax than women, yet the state disadvantages men and boys in many areas, usually to advantage women and girls. There are no areas in which the state disadvantages women and girls. A state which is hostile towards half its citizens also affects women who are mothers of boys, or who are men's partners, relatives, colleagues, friends or acquaintances. In the case of abortion, foetal alcohol syndrome, and fatherlessness, girls (including those yet unborn) are also assaulted by the actions and inactions of the state. The result is both inevitable and predictable - an ever more dysfunctional society, with increasing alienation of the sexes. In this manifesto we provide details of the state's disadvantaging of men and boys in 20 areas, and we make proposals in each of them. The areas are presented in a broadly chronological order: Abortion Foetal alcohol syndrome Genital mutilation Fatherlessness, restoring strong families Education Employment Access to children after family breakdowns Domestic violence Sexual abuse Armed Forces veterans' mental health issues Homelessness Suicide Criminal justice system Paternity fraud Anonymity for suspected sexual offenders Divorce Health Political representation State interference in company director appointments Expectation of retirement years The social engineering programmes which seek equality of gender outcomes are having an increasingly damaging impact on British society, and the Conservative-led coalition is no less keen on driving those programmes than the preceding Labour administrations. We have a vision of Britain as a nation that doesn't disadvantage half its citizens. A society in which men and women have equal opportunities but are able to make their own choices in life, without state intervention to advantage one sex over the other. It's said that under the 'first past the post' system, votes for parties other than the major parties are wasted, but voting is the only mechanism democracy affords citizens to seriously challenge politicians who embrace the all-pervading anti-male ideology which has dictated the state's policy directions for over 30 years. The major parties are institutionally committed to advantaging women and girls at the expense of men and boys, regardless of the consequences, as we recognized after engaging in parliamentary inquiries which demonstrated that the government simply doesn't respond to rational arguments against anti-male policy directions. The only choice for citizens concerned about the state's assaults on the human rights of men and boys is to vote - and to vote for J4MB. In the short to medium term, our challenge is to improve public understanding about the state's assaults on the human rights of men and boys. We do that in various ways, including the use of social media. Our television and radio appearances may be found on our YouTube channel. Our longer term strategy, however, is to develop our party to the point that we can field many candidates in general elections, in marginal constituencies, where the major parties are vulnerable. They will then have no choice but to take heed of the voices we represent, engage with us, and seek to appease them by modifying their policies, and their direction of travel. At the 2015 general election we'll be fielding three candidates in adjacent constituencies near Nottingham where, in 2010, MPs were elected with very slim majorities: - I'll be standing in Ashfield, where Gloria De Piero retained the seat for Labour with 192 more votes than a Liberal Democrat candidate. She's the Shadow Minister for Women & Equalities. - Ian Young, formerly a victim of domestic violence, will be standing against a Conservative, Mark Spencer, in Sherwood. Ian lives in the constituency, in Hucknall. - Ray Barry, leader of the campaign group Real Fathers for Justice, will be standing against another Conservative, Anna Soubry, in Broxtowe. I should like to take this opportunity to thank all the men and women who have supported J4MB since its launch in February 2013, including those who have contributed to this manifesto. We've gone to considerable lengths to ensure that all the information we present is factually correct. If you should find any mistakes, or you believe any of the content to be misleading, please draw this to our attention. If you feel able to support J4MB in any way, please contact us. I invite you to make a donation, which will support our campaigning. Nobody associated with J4MB has ever drawn any personal income from donations, and we don't expect that to change in the foreseeable future, if ever. Thank you for your support, and for seeking justice for men and boys (and the women who love them).
Extracts from Erin Pizzey's Foreword: ‘Mike Buchanan is a very brave man. I've known other men who've tried to draw the public's attention to the damage done by the radical feminist movement. Many lost their jobs and none of them were able to find a publisher for their books. Men have been thrown out of their own houses and unjustly accused of domestic violence towards their partners, and some of sexually abusing their children. The legitimate interests of men in Western society are being systematically assaulted by radical feminists and this book goes a long way to providing the evidence. Men are starting to campaign more effectively for their interests, though they have a long way to go before they halt the tide of radical feminist influence, let alone start to reverse it. Feminists can also expect more challenging from another quarter. An increasing number of women are summoning up the courage to openly criticise them. This shouldn't surprise us, given that the vast majority of women don't share the radical feminists' political ideology. With every year that passes more women become aware of the damage man-hating and family-hating radical feminists wreak on society in general, and women's interests in particular. These women are becoming more vocal, and their number is on the rise... How much more damage will feminists be allowed to wreak before they're more widely recognised as the evil women they are?' This book provides long-awaited answers to over 50 of the most challenging questions in the modern era including: 1. Are you a misogynist if you only hate feminists? 2. What is feminism in the modern era? 3. How do radical feminists view the world? 4. Are feminists less intelligent than normal women? 5. Are feminists less attractive than normal women? 6. Do feminists suffer from PPS (Permanent Premenstrual Syndrome)? 7. Why do feminists deny the different natures of men and women? 8. Why must taxpayers stop financing Women's Studies and Gender Studies courses? 9. What are the big fat feminist fantasies, lies, delusions and myths? 10. Are feminists delusional? Is the pope a Catholic? Do bears crap in woods? 11. How are feminists killing men and women? 12. Are some feminists (e.g. Tracey Emin) a pain in the arts? The book contains an appendix of quotations and ends with a sample chapter titled ‘Would you like to have sex with my wife?' from Mike Buchanan's international bestseller ‘Two Men in a Car (a businessman, a chauffeur, and their holidays in France)'. It also contains the plate section from the book (16 photographs).
By the New York Times bestselling author: a provocative account of the attack on the humanities, the rise of intolerance, and the erosion of serious learning America is in crisis, from the university to the workplace. Toxic ideas first spread by higher education have undermined humanistic values, fueled intolerance, and widened divisions in our larger culture. Chaucer, Shakespeare and Milton? Oppressive. American history? Tyranny. Professors correcting grammar and spelling, or employers hiring by merit? Racist and sexist. Students emerge into the working world believing that human beings are defined by their skin color, gender, and sexual preference, and that oppression based on these characteristics is the American experience. Speech that challenges these campus orthodoxies is silenced with brute force. The Diversity Delusion argues that the root of this problem is the belief in America’s endemic racism and sexism, a belief that has engendered a metastasizing diversity bureaucracy in society and academia. Diversity commissars denounce meritocratic standards as discriminatory, enforce hiring quotas, and teach students and adults alike to think of themselves as perpetual victims. From #MeToo mania that blurs flirtations with criminal acts, to implicit bias and diversity compliance training that sees racism in every interaction, Heather Mac Donald argues that we are creating a nation of narrowed minds, primed for grievance, and that we are putting our competitive edge at risk. But there is hope in the works of authors, composers, and artists who have long inspired the best in us. Compiling the author’s decades of research and writing on the subject, The Diversity Delusion calls for a return to the classical liberal pursuits of open-minded inquiry and expression, by which everyone can discover a common humanity.
The claim that 'LGBT rights are human rights' encounters fierce opposition in many parts of the world, as governments and religious leaders have used resistance to 'LGBT rights' to cast themselves as defenders of traditional values against neo-colonial interference and western decadence. Queer Wars explores the growing international polarization over sexual rights, and the creative responses from social movements and activists, some of whom face murder, imprisonment or rape because of their perceived sexuality or gender expression. This book asks why sexuality and gender identity have become so vexed an issue between and within nations, and how we can best advocate for change.
Winston Churchill said of democracy that it was ‘the worst form of government, except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.’ The same could be said of liberalism. While liberalism displays an unfailing optimism with regard to the capacity of human beings to make themselves ‘masters and possessors of nature’, it displays a profound pessimism when it comes to appreciating their moral capacity to build a decent world for themselves. As Michea shows, the roots of this pessimism lie in the idea – an eminently modern one – that the desire to establish the reign of the Good lies at the origin of all the ills besetting the human race. Liberalism’s critique of the ‘tyranny of the Good’ naturally had its costs. It created a view of modern politics as a purely negative art – that of defining the least bad society possible. It is in this sense that liberalism has to be understood, and understands itself, as the ‘politics of lesser evil’. And yet while liberalism set out to be a realism without illusions, today liberalism presents itself as something else. With its celebration of the market among other things, contemporary liberalism has taken over some of the features of its oldest enemy. By unravelling the logic that lies at the heart of the liberal project, Michea is able to shed fresh light on one of the key ideas that have shaped the civilization of the West.